Guinea-Bissau vs North Macedonia: Competitiveness of Political Participation Score
Competitiveness of Political Participation Score over time
- Guinea-Bissau
- North Macedonia
How they compare
Guinea-Bissau currently reports 4 against 4 in North Macedonia, a difference of 0.
Across all 43 years both countries report, North Macedonia has been ahead every year.
Guinea-Bissau ranks 34th and North Macedonia ranks 34th of 167 countries.
North Macedonia has averaged higher in every one of the 5 decades both report.
Head to head by decade
| Decade | Guinea-Bissau | North Macedonia | Difference | Ahead |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1970s | 1 | 1 | 0 | — |
| 1980s | 1 | 1 | 0 | — |
| 1990s | 2.38 | 3.75 | 1.38 | North Macedonia |
| 2000s | 3.1 | 4 | 0.9 | North Macedonia |
| 2010s | 3.78 | 4 | 0.2222 | North Macedonia |
Averages of every year both report within each decade.
Frequently asked questions
- Which has higher competitiveness of political participation score, Guinea-Bissau or North Macedonia?
- Guinea-Bissau, at 4 against 4 in North Macedonia as of 2018.
- What is the difference in competitiveness of political participation score between Guinea-Bissau and North Macedonia?
- 0, with Guinea-Bissau ahead.
- How many years of comparable data are there for Guinea-Bissau and North Macedonia?
- 43 years are reported by both, from 1974 to 2018.
- How do Guinea-Bissau and North Macedonia rank globally for competitiveness of political participation score?
- Guinea-Bissau ranks 34th and North Macedonia ranks 34th of 167 countries.
- Where does this data come from?
- Polity 5 (2020) – processed by Our World in Data, published as Competitiveness of Political Participation Score. Statizoid refreshes it automatically from the source and publishes the full history for both places.
Individual pages
About this data
Indicates the extent to which political participation is competitive. It ranges from unregulated political participation (score of 0), over repressed political participation (score of 1), suppressed political participation (score of 2), factional political participation (score of 3), and transitional arrangements (score of 4), to competitive political participation (score of 5).